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South Korea has been caught in
an intensive debate over the repeal of the draconian National
Security Law (NSL) by the ruling Uri Party. On 21 September
2004, Chairwoman of the opposition Grand National Party, Park
Guen-hye and Chairman of the ruling Uri Party, Lee Bu-young
participated in a public over the abolition of the National
Security Law at the Asia-Europe Press Forum in Seoul. In a
country, which is officially still at war with North Korea,
the conservatives have been trying to raise red herring to
stymie South Korea’s march towards a truly democratic country.
In its attempt to block complete abolition of the NSL, Chairwoman
of the opposition Grand National Party, Park Guen-hye suggested
amendment of the NSL.
Earlier, on 24 August 2004, the full Commission of the National Human
Rights Commission of Korea in a majority decision of 8 in
favour of abolition and 2 against recommended to Chairman
of the National Assembly and the Minister of Justice to completely
abolish the National Security Law. The NHRC’s Chairman Kim
Chang-kuk stated "The current National Security Law has
caused constant disputes over its acts against human rights
due to its arbitrary application and the shortfalls of its
regulations themselves…. amendments on certain texts could
not heal the human rights violations on a large scale done
by the National Security Law." The NHRC further stated that existing criminal laws could deal with
the current situation. In
January 2003, the NHRC of Korea had formed a task force team
to study the NSL. After three sittings, the NHRC decided to
recommend repeal of the NSL.
The Act and its provisions
Adopted in 1948 as a temporary measure to counter the threat posed
by North Korea, the NSL at the time of its adoption contained
only 6 clauses. After seven amendments without a national
consensus, the number of clauses have increased to 25. The
maximum sentence in the first revised NSL was life sentence,
but now, a large number of provisions carry maximum penalty
of death.
The NSL provides for long prison sentences or the death penalty for
undefined "anti-state" and "espionage"
activities. These provisions have been used arbitrarily against
political opponents and innocents for peacefully exercising
the right to freedom of expression and association. Article
3 of the NSL provides for "capital punishment or imprisonment
for life" for "a person who is engaged in the function
of a ringleader" or "a leading member" of an
"anti-government organization". Most arrests have
been made under Article 7 for "praising" and "benefiting"
the enemy (meaning North Korea) and carries sentences up to
seven years' imprisonment. Contacts with North Koreans and
exposure to communist ideologies are strictly forbidden under
Article 9. The failure to inform the police or security
officials about anti state activities could invite maximum
five years in prison or a fine of 2000,000 Won (Korean national
currency) under Article 10. The NSL also provides for establishment
of special rules of detention, interrogation and substantive
liability.
In its Concluding Observations (CCPR/C/79/Add.114)
in 1999, the United Nations
Human Rights Committee monitoring implementation of the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights after examination of
South Korea’s periodic report stated that the establishment
of special rules of detention, interrogation and substantive
liability that are incompatible with various articles of the
Covenant, including articles 9, 18 and 19. The Human Rights
Committee further stated, “the scope of activities that may
be regarded as encouraging "anti-state organizations"
under article 7 of the National Security Law is unreasonably
wide. From the cases that have come before the Committee in
individual communications under the Optional Protocol, and
other information provided on prosecutions brought under article
7, it is clear that the restrictions placed on freedom of
expression do not meet the requirements of article 19, paragraph
3 of the Covenant, as they cannot be regarded as necessary
to protect national security. The Covenant does not permit
restrictions on the expression of ideas, merely because they
coincide with those held by an enemy entity or may be considered
to create sympathy for that entity. The Committee also emphasised
that internal directives regarding prosecution policy do not
provide adequate guarantees against the use of article 7 in
a manner that is incompatible with the Covenant”.
The United Nations Human Rights Committee repeatedly urged for the
repeal of the NSL. After examination of initial report in
July 1992, the Human Rights Committee recommended that “the
State party intensify its efforts to bring its legislation
more in line with the provisions of the Covenant. To that
end, a serious attempt ought to be made to phase out the National
Security Law which the Committee perceives as a major obstacle
to the full realization of the rights enshrined in the Covenant
and, in the meantime, not to derogate from certain basic rights".
In its Concluding Observations (CCPR/C/79/Add.114)
in 1999, Human Rights Committee
reiterated its grave concern expressed after consideration
of the initial report regarding the continued existence and
application of the NSL and urged to repeal the same.
The NSL has become synonymous of repression by the military dictators.
The precise number arrests and prosecution under the NSL are
not available. In 1949, one year after the NSL was enacted,
80% of the 1,18,621 criminal arrests involved NSL violations.
However, much of the information about the NSL is reportedly
missing and a statistical analysis of the NSL cases prior
to 1964 remains unavailable. Many of the prisoners include
persons who have been in jail over 40 years.
In 1998, President Kim Dae-jung
government released over 150 political prisoners
in two prisoner amnesties, but only on condition that they
sign a "law-abiding oath". Seventeen National Security
Law prisoners held for between 28 and 40 years were not released
because they refused to sign the law-abiding oath. They included
Woo Yong-gak, aged 69, who was in prison since 1958; and Hong
Yong-gi, aged 69, who was in prison for 36 years. These elderly
long-term prisoners were reported to be in poor health, having
suffered decades of imprisonment in poor conditions and with
little access to the outside world. Other prisoners who were
not released included Cho Sang-nok and Kang Yong-ju who were
convicted under the National Security Law in 1978 and 1985
respectively; and Ahn Jae-ku, aged 65, who was arrested and
convicted in 1994. In August 2002, South Korea gave amnesty to more than 3,500 prisoners.
Conservative judiciary
The Supreme Court and Constitutional Court of South Korea continues
to be dominated by the conservatives. In a judgement on 26
August 2004, the Constitutional Court upheld the constitutional
validity of the NSL and stated that it was needed.
On 19 September 2004, the Supreme Court rejected appeals from two
student activists who were convicted on charges of publicly
praising North Korea. The judges upheld a lower court conviction
of two former members of Hanchongryon, a leftist university
student group, for violations of the NSL. The two student
activists including one Mr Lee were sentenced to prison for
30 months.
Yet, what was most striking about the Supreme judgment was unusually
strong and politically loaded commentary. The Supreme Court
ruling said: "Just because there are exchanges and cooperation
between the two Koreas, the Supreme Court cannot see that
North Korea's anti-state character has disappeared and that
the National Security Act has lost its legal power…..Under
such conditions, we must be careful not to disarm ourselves."
The Supreme Court further stated that more citizens
of South Korea were siding with the North, adding that there
must be limits in acceptance and tolerance of the North to
defend South Korea's order. It was clear that the Supreme
Court was stepping into the functions of the legislative and
executive.
The Uri Party has a majority
152 seats in the parliament and does not require cooperation
of the opposition Grand National Party to repeal the NSL.
While the Grand National Party is hell-bent to exploit the
threat from the North Korea, South Korea needs to take decisive steps
not only for reunification of the peninsular but to be a model
state in the Asia and Pacific region for protection and promotion
of human rights and fundamental freedom. The repeal of the
NSL is indispensable in this regard.
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