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Since
the August 17th bombing, the judges have come under
serious attacks from the Jihadis. Between 17 August and 20
November 2005, four persons including two senior assistant judges
Sohel Ahmed of Sadar Upazila Court and judge Jagannath Parey
of Nalchhiti Upazila Court were killed in the direct attacks
on the judges; six other judges and lawyers - Joint Assistant Judge Abu Sufian, Laxmipur,
First Sub-Judge Dipen Dewan, Chandpur, Advocate Kazi Mozammel
Hossain, Chandpur, Second Joint District Session Judge Dilzer
Hossain, Chittagong, Metropolitan Magistrate MM Akram Hossain,
Chittagong and Sylhet divisional speedy trial tribunal judge, Biplob
Goswami were attacked; and 10 judges including Abdus Samad,
judge of the Khulna divisional speedy trial tribunal, First Joint District Judge Shamsul Islam, Chittagong,
Senior Assistant Judge Kazi Abdul Hannan, Chittagong, Judge
Mafizul Islam of the Money Loan Court, Pabna, District and
sessions judge in Gopalganj, Iktedar Ahmed, a judge in southeastern
Cox’s Bazar district, Judge Kuddus Zaman in Barisal district, Abu Sufian, Joint District Judge of Laxmipur,
senior Assistant Judge of Jhalakathi MA Awal and Senior Assistant
Judge Umme Kulsum of Chittagong received death threats.
In
the post Taleban period in Afghanistan, no other country has
been affected by the Taleban inspired Jihadi movement more
than Bangladesh. There has been an alarming rise of Islamic
fundamentalism in the country since then President Zia-Ur
Rahman allowed the return of Pakistani collaborator and leader
of the Jammat-e-Islam, Golam Azam in 1978. When Bangladesh
National Party formed electoral alliance with Jamaat-e-Islami
and Islami Oikya Jote in October 2001 general elections, the
return of the Jamaats in the mainstream politics took the
full circle. The Islamic fundamentalist groups who were hitherto
identified as “Rajakars” or Pakistani collaborators have since
become the rulers of the country.
Since
the Bangladesh National Party (BNP)-Jamaat-e-Islami and Islami
Oikya Jote came to power in 2001, there have been systematic
attacks on opposition leaders, progressive intellectuals,
NGOs and journalists by the Jihadis. The murderous attack
on one of Bangladesh's most liberal writers, Professor Humayun
Azad in front of the Bangla Academy in Ramna, Dhaka on 27
February 2004, the bomb attack on British High Commissioner to Bangladesh Anwar
Choudhury on 21 May 2004 at Hazrat Shahjalal Shrine in Sylhet,
the bombing of the BRAC office at Porsha upazila of Naogaon district
on 15 February 2005 are testimonies to the systematic attacks
by the Jihadis. Yet, the attacks on the Hindu minorities following
the October 2001 elections, the attack on Sheikh Hasina, leader
of the opposition at a rally on 21 August 2004 and the assassination
of former Finance Minister AMS Kirbia on 27 January 2005 have
been dismissed as political attacks or worst, handiwork of
neighbouring countries.
After
a series of coordinated blasts of at least 459 time bombs
in 63 of total 64 districts across the country on 17 August
2005 that killed 2 persons and injured more than 100, it was
no longer possible for Bangladesh to brush aside Islamic fundamentalism
in the country.
The key Jihadi groups are Harkat-ul-Jehad-al-Islami
(HuJI), Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB) and Jama'atul
Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB).
The cadres are drawn from about 64,000 Madrasas, Islamic
Chatra Shibir and over 100,000 Rohingyaa refugees, many of
whom live on the lands forcibly appropriated from indigenous
Jumma peoples. However, the links of these Jihadi groups with
the over ground Islamic fundamentalist organisations, Jamaat-e-Islami and Islami Oikya Jote and some
charitable organisations from Middle East have been an open
secret. Investigations in the August 17th
bombings have revealed the role of the Jammats beyond any
reasonable doubt. A number of arrested members of the Jihadi
groups reportedly confessed to having close ties with Jamaat-e-Islami
Bangladesh.
Yet,
it is unlikely that any action would be taken against the
Jammat-e-Islami and other fundamentalist groups who remain
indispensable in Bangladeshi electoral politics. During the
last parliamentary elections in 2001, BNP received 40.97 per
cent of the votes against 40.13 per cent received by the Awami
League. But, the BNP’s landslide victory was ensured because
of the alliance with the fundamentalists.
Because
of the indispensability of the Jamaats, the response of the
BNP-led government of Bangladesh has been to address growing
international criticisms rather than confronting the fundamentalists.
Not surprisingly, the fear of the judges despite the government
taking some visible security measures is palpable. Judges
in Bangladesh have no other option but to live under the shadow
of the Jihadis because of the
alliance between the BNP and the Jamaats.
The recent attacks on the
judges in Bangladesh are symptoms of the level of penetration
made by offshoots of the Taleban. Given the power the fundamentalists
share in the present administration, extreme poverty and flourishing
Madrasas with direct State support, Bangladesh will never
be a secular country that the country’s first constitution
envisaged. However the conflict between the moderate Muslims
and the Jihadis will bleed the country.
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