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headquarters of the Human
Rights Commission (HRC) of Sri Lanka on the intervening night
of 11 and 12 October
2005. The needle of suspicion primarily pointed towards the police as over
a hundred police officers - mainly from the Western Province
- including senior officers, have been under investigation
by the HRC.
This was not the first instance to destroy evidence
with the acquiescence of the State. During the hearing on
14 June 2005 of the Kumarapuram massacre of 11 February 1996 in which 24 Tamils were
shot dead by the Sri Lankan Army, State Counsel Mr. S. Halimdeen
told the Trincomalee High Court Judge that all material evidence,
including weapons allegedly used in the killing of Tamil civilians
in the Kumarapuram massacre, were destroyed when the office
of the Government Analyst in Colombo was gutted by fire in
2004.
Certainly, State of Sri
Lanka showed unprecedented flattery by enacting a law having
the same name as the Convention Against Torture i.e. the Convention
Against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment
or Punishment Act (CATA), No. 22 of 1994 of Sri Lanka. Yet,
the definition of torture under the CATA does not conform
to Article 1 of the Convention Against Torture. Among others,
it excludes inhumane and degrading treatment as a form of
torture, but torture is allowed under different laws.
Sri Lanka also extended invitation to the members
of the UN Committee Against Torture to visit the country in
2002. But it has failed to withdraw reservations to Article
21 and 22 of the CAT or take adequate legislative, administrative
and judicial measures to stamp out torture.
The Supreme Court continues
to remain out of reach of those who are victims of human rights
violations in view of the restrictions imposed by Article
126 of the Constitution. Under this article, petitions
against violations of fundamental rights can only be filed
with the Supreme Court, which is based in Colombo, thereby
restricting the access to justice to the poor, as many simply
cannot afford to hire a Supreme Court lawyer. There is also
one-month time bar,
which depends on the interpretation of an individual judge
or bench, to file petitions. And a human rights complaint may be made to the Supreme
Court only by the victim or by an attorney-at-law on his/her
behalf. This excludes the possibility to pursue justice for
violations of fundamental rights on behalf of the dead and
the missing.
When the judiciary takes
action, the police do not take appropriate measures. The Inspector
General of Police recently opined that 106 police officers,
who have been charged for serious criminal offenses and interdicted
before Sri Lanka's high courts should be allowed to continue
at their posts until they are proven guilty.
The
Human Rights Commission remains spectacular on paper. But
it has been hamstrung by the lack of transparency about the
complaints, inadequate powers and resources. On 27 September
2004, Mr. Ruwan Chandrasekera, an officer of the Human Rights
Commission office at Jaffna, was assaulted by police from
the main Jaffna Police Station while investigating a complaint
from a detainee's family about incommunicado detention. When
the staff of the HRC can face such assault, how would the
common citizens be treated?
The National Police Commission
(NPC) established in 2002 has also failed to address human
rights violations by the police. It is none other than the
Chairman of National Police Commission, Mr. Ranjith Abeysuriya who complained that Sri Lanka’s police chief had
not been cooperating with the authorities to investigate complaints
against police officers. Mr. Abeysuriya also lamented that the NPC
does not have powers as that of the Human Rights Commission
to investigate complaints against police officers. The NPC
serves as a glorified post box whose effectiveness depends
on the goodwill of the police administration, and not its
effectiveness.
The use of torture including
rape and other sexual violence, to extract admissions and
confessions is common in Sri Lanka. The methods of torture
commonly used by the police in Sri Lanka include beatings,
often with wire or hose, electric shock, the suspension of
individuals by the wrists or feet in contorted positions,
burning, slamming testicles in desk drawers, and near-drowning.
The victims are also forced to remain in unnatural positions
for extended periods. The police also place bags laced with
insecticide, chili powder, or gasoline placed over their heads.
In 2004, 13 deaths occurred in police custody.
Torture is also linked with
disappearances. In its fourth periodic report to the UN Human
Rights Committee, Sri Lanka stated that over 27,000 persons
have disappeared at the hands of the Sri Lankan security forces.
The government has failed to take effective steps against
the perpetrators. In its second periodic report to the Committee
Against Torture, Sri Lankan government states that only 12
security personnel have been convicted out of the 2095 cases
that were recommended for action to the Attorney General.
Many of the Tamil asylum
seekers who were refouled to Sri Lanka from European countries
have been subjected to torture during their detention. Yet,
Sri Lankan representative blatantly denied that they are arrested
on their arrival.
There are few mechanisms
for a prompt and impartial investigation into allegations
of torture. When a few cases are taken up, there is willful
delay by the police.
The mechanisms for redress
depend on the whims of individual judges. Courts have granted
awards ranging from approximately $142 (14,200 rupees) to
$1,825 (182,500 rupees). In some cases, the government did
not pay fines incurred by security force personnel found guilty
of torture.
Mr Chitta Ranjan de Silva,
Solicitor-General of Sri Lanka told the Committee Against
Torture that there had been no cases of disappearances linked
to torture since 2002. Yet, Mr de Silva failed to respond to past
cases of disappearances linked to torture. The danger is the
Sri Lankan government resorts to extreme measures under slightest
pretext. While the assassination of former Foreign Minister
Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar is condemnable,
the declaration of State of emergency following the assassination
was unwarranted. The state of emergency continues to be in
place.
Sri Lanka consistently allowed
use of torture, rape, disappearances and extrajudicial executions
in the name of confronting the brutalities of the LTTE. If
the cease-fire with the LTTE breaks, such gross human rights
violations are likely to return. It is another matter that
such gross human rights violations and impunity also contributed
to the emergence of Tamil rebellion.
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